April 13, 2007

S.C. senators drop abortion ultrasound rule

MSNBC reports an important update to the controversial abortion bill of South Carolina (we blogged the original report here).


New version of bill require doctors to list where women can get procedure


COLUMBIA, S.C. - A state Senate panel on Thursday dropped a measure from an abortion bill that would have made South Carolina the only state to require women to review an ultrasound image of the fetus before terminating a pregnancy.

Under the new proposal, a doctor would be required to tell a woman she has a right to have an ultrasound and see the images.

“It’s not forcing a woman to do something against her will,” said Sen. Linda Short, the only woman in the Senate and a member of the subcommittee that dropped the measure.

Short, a Democrat, expects the new version of the bill to easily pass the Senate, leading to a showdown with the House, whose members have passed a version that includes the ultrasound requirement.

The bill’s sponsor in the House said the Senate version was unacceptable.

A mandated review “provides an opportunity for a patient to pause,” said Rep. Greg Delleney, a Republican.

Proponents believe women would change their minds after seeing an ultrasound and choose to keep the child or offer it for adoption. Critics consider it a way to intimidate women who already have made an agonizing decision.

Last week, the attorney general told lawmakers it would be illegal for the state to force a woman to view an ultrasound image against her will.

On Thursday, Attorney General Henry McMaster said he thought the Senate’s bill could withstand a legal challenge.

Some states already make ultrasound images available to women before an abortion.

The Senate subcommittee unanimously approved the amended bill that would require a doctor to provide a list of places to get a free ultrasound if a woman chooses the procedure. Ultrasounds are done in most cases to verify the fetus’ age.

The bill now heads to the Senate Medical Affairs Committee.

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March 31, 2007

Pregnancy Bias Claims Rise

Women’sEnews has some notable Cheers and Jeers for the week.

If Dr Keroack’s resignation calls for cheers, the fact that 23% rise in pregnancy discrimination complaints indicates the sad state of affairs in the country. Following is the report:

Dr. Eric Keroack, who has been embroiled in controversy since he was appointed as the Health and Human Services Department's chief family planning officer in November, abruptly resigned his post on March 29, Reuters reported.

Keroack's selection by President Bush was met with strong criticism from women's groups over his anti-abortion stance and his previous work with five Massachusetts "crisis pregnancy" centers. Massachusetts state Medicaid officials took an undisclosed action against Keroack earlier in the week, which led to his departure.

In his federal position, Keroack oversaw $283 million in family planning grants used to provide contraception to low-income women, but his opposition to contraception provoked 107 House Democrats and three Republicans to call for his resignation in December.

"It's a good day for women's health," Cecile Richards, president of Planned Parenthood Federation of America, said. "Keroack was unqualified to run the nation's family planning program. The nation's family planning program should be run by a champion for women's health and safety."

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EEOC Cracks Down on Discriminatory Hiring Practices



A detailed report on EEOC perspective appears on the National Law Journal.

By Tresa Baldas

The federal government has launched an initiative aimed at cracking down on discriminatory hiring practices in the workplace -- a program that could land unsuspecting employers in court, employment attorneys are warning.

That's what happened to Walgreen Co. this month, lawyers note, when the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission hit the national pharmacy chain with a class action alleging widespread racial bias against thousands of African-American workers. EEOC v. Walgreen Co., No. 07-172, (S.D. Ill.).

The suit came one week after the EEOC announced "E-RACE" (Eradicating Racism and Colorism from Employment), an initiative that will have federal investigators paying much closer attention to how minorities are hired and promoted.

FOCUS ON HIRING

Specifically, the EEOC will focus on hiring decisions that are based on names, arrest and conviction records, employment and personality tests and credit scores -- all of which may disparately impact people of color.

For example, an African-American might be denied a job when an arrest record shows up on a background check or if a credit score turns out to be low. Such criteria, which have a disparate impact on minorities, were not considered in the past. But employers are increasingly considering such factors when hiring, and may unwittingly be denying jobs to large classes of minorities.

Many states have laws that restrict employers from asking about or considering criminal records when hiring. The EEOC holds that if an employer denies a job to an applicant because he or she has a criminal record, it could be considered discrimination if the person is a minority.

The EEOC also has a new specialized task force -- formed last year -- that will handle evidence turned up by E-RACE. Regional attorneys and directors will investigate in more detail and attempt to establish a pattern of discrimination within industries or employers, and present it to headquarters for possible litigation.

"I don't want employers to get the impression that they're some kind of bull's-eye," said EEOC attorney Paula Bruner, special assistant to the EEOC chairwoman. "We want them to be aware they need to step up in terms of their compliance with our laws."

According to the EEOC, race discrimination complaints continue to be the number one complaint made to the EEOC. In 2006, a total of 27,238 such complaints were filed. The EEOC also has seen a substantial increase over the past 15 years in discrimination claims based on color, which have soared from 374 in 1992 to 1,241 in 2006.

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March 25, 2007

S.C. bill throttles women’s freedom to choose

Exhausting most other options to rationally forbid abortion, a new law actually ridicules basic minimum standards of empathy. And of women’s rights.

That--after hours of debate--the South Carolina House could approve a bill that would mandate women to see a fetal ultrasound before deciding for abortion, speaks for the dismal state of women in the country today. More disappointing is the manner in which the voting passed the bill: 91-23, clearly indicating a sexist dominance in the juridical mainland.

Opponents of the bill decry it as “emotional blackmail”. The reality is worse than that. Such a bill that aims at controlling women’s freedom to choose--in a supervisory manner exploiting institutionally framed legal and ethical terms—actually throttles women’s freedom.

If only the legislators could wake up to realize that women’s freedoms are indeed human freedoms, such a bill would not have been envisaged, let alone passed.

Detailed story follows:

S.C. House: View fetal image prior to abortion Bill would mandate that women see ultrasound before terminating pregnancy By AARON GOULD SHEININ

Women seeking abortions would have to see a fetal ultrasound before the procedure under a bill given key approval in the S.C. House Wednesday.

After three hours of passionate debate, the House voted 91-23 to require women to sign a statement swearing they had seen an ultrasound image of their fetus before getting an abortion.

A half-dozen other states offer ultrasound images to abortion patients, legislative staffers said. But those states do not require abortion patients view them.

Supporters of the measure hope that image will spur more women to forgo abortion. Opponents called the bill “emotional blackmail.”

Third and final approval of the bill in the House could come as early as today, sending the bill to the Senate. There, the proposal faces stiffer opposition; individual senators hold great power to delay or derail legislation.

Abortion foes celebrated Wednesday’s vote.

“It was better than I expected,” Rep. Greg Delleney, R-Chester, said after he and other lawmakers, mostly Republicans, beat back a series of amendments from Democrats.

“Many of the pro-life groups contacted people around the state, and people were praying about this. Hundreds, if not thousands, were praying for it.”

Debate was impassioned.

Rep. Todd Rutherford, D-Richland, railed against Republicans for opposing his amendment to exempt victims of rape and incest from the required ultrasound viewing.

Forcing a victim of a crime to see the results is tantamount to forcing her to relive the ordeal, Rutherford said. “You all are doing it to her once again.”

But Delleney said the fetus is no less precious.

Rep. Bob Leach, R-Greenville, accused Rutherford of manufactured indignity. “I’ll be nominating you for actor of the year,” Leach said.

When Rutherford raised his voice in response, Speaker Pro Tem Doug Smith, R-Spartanburg, had to quiet both men and remind them to debate with civility.

Rep. Cathy Harvin, D-Clarendon, said the 111 men in the 124-member House never could understand the dueling emotions the issue raises.

“There are 111 of you in this body who will never be able to know the joy a woman experiences when she discovers she is with child,” Harvin said. “There are 111 of you who will never know the horror, that experience, that horror of being impregnated when it’s not something they desire, and then be taken and forced to observe the evidence of the crime.”

Theology, Scripture and wrenching personal stories poured from the podium through much of the debate.

Rep. Gilda Cobb-Hunter, D-Orangeburg, quoted the book of Micah to bolster her argument against the bill.

“What does the Lord require of you but to do justice?” Cobb-Hunter quoted. “Love kindness and walk humbly with your God.”

Abortion-rights opponents used the same sentiment later Wednesday to suggest the bill is a mistake. In a news release after the bill passed, the Columbia Christians for Life said the bill “may reduce abortions, but it will also prolong the practice of ‘legalized’ abortion.”

“God’s requirement in the case of murder is justice, not regulation,” the release said.

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January 15, 2007

What's Lost in Prenatal Testing

A reflective piece on Sunday Washinton Post:
What's Lost in Prenatal Testing
Why Encourage Testing for Down Syndrome


By Patricia E. Bauer
Sunday, January 14, 2007; Page B07

She was a fresh-faced young woman with a couple of adorable kids, whiling away an hour in the sandbox at the park near my home. So was I, or so I thought. New in town, I had come to the park in hopes of finding some friends for myself and my little ones.

Her eyes flicked over to where my daughter sat, shovel gripped in a tiny fist, and then traveled quickly away. The remark that followed was directed to the woman next to her, but her voice carried clearly across the playground. "Isn't it a shame," she said, an eyebrow cocked in Margaret's direction, "that everyone doesn't get amnio?"

It's been more than 20 years, but I saw the face of that woman again when I read about the recommendation from the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG) this month that all pregnant women get prenatal screening for Down syndrome. I worry that universal screening brings us all closer to being like that woman at the sandbox -- uninformed, judgmental and unable to entertain the possibility that people with disabilities have something to offer.

Continue reading "What's Lost in Prenatal Testing" »

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January 14, 2007

Mothers Work Inc. settles pregnancy suit

Maternity company settles suit alleging pregnancy discrimination

PHILADELPHIA - A maternity-clothing retailer has agreed to pay $375,000 to settle a lawsuit alleging it refused to hire qualified applicants because they were pregnant - and then fired an assistant manager who complained about it.

The suit filed last year against Philadelphia-based Mothers Work Inc. was based on alleged incidents at a Motherhood Maternity store in Florida.

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December 21, 2006

FRD analyzed on Public Radio

The spur in Family Responsibility Discrimination cases has attracted the attention of American Public Media.

A new area of anti-discrimination cases has arisen suddenly, and employers and their attorneys are looking for ways to understand the law and train their managers. Hillary Wicai reports.
Listen to what Jack Tuckner of Tuckner, Sipser, Weinstock & Sipser, LLP has to say, by clicking on the picture below.

Tuckner Sipser

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December 5, 2006

Lawyer enacts Gender roles; files FRD complaint

In yet another instance of family responsibilities discrimination, a woman lawyer has filed a lawsuit against her law firm for being “treated differently by the firm after she had children.” She was asked to prepare the cases for trial for male attorneys while she suffered from low wages and benefits.

ABA Journal has the detailed report:


Lawyer Says She Was Shoved onto the Mommy Track
Lawsuit claims Pittsburgh law firm told her to spend more time with her kids


By G.M. Filisko

In what one expert says is a rising trend, a woman lawyer has sued her law firm for sexual discrimination alleging, among other things, that she was told she needed to spend less time at work and more with her family.

Alyson J. Kirleis filed the lawsuit in the U.S. District Court for the Western District of Pennsylvania against her Pittsburgh-based employer. Kirleis v. Dickie, McCamey & Chilcote, No. 06 CV 1495 (Nov. 9).

"This lawsuit's a doozy," says Joan C. Williams, a professor who teaches employment law at the University of California Hastings College of the Law in San Francisco. Williams has studied cases filed by mothers against employers based on what she calls "family responsibilities discrimination," and she says the number of cases is increasing.

"There’s been a 40 percent increase in this type of case in the past 10 years," Williams says. "We’ve documented more than 800 lawsuits based on family responsibility against employers in general, and we’ve found 32 other lawsuits of this type against legal employers. Of those 32, it’s a mix of attorneys and staff, but most of the cases have been filed by attorneys."

"It certainly looks as if [family responsibility] cases are the new face of discrimination law based on the fact that they're growing so rapidly, when employment discrimination cases have fallen 23 percent, based on our research," Williams says.

But Diana J. Veilleux says, "I don’t know that I’ve seen an increase in these types of cases." Veilleux is a Washington, D.C.-based lawyer who represents both individuals who bring employment cases and government agencies that must defend employment cases. "But they’re probably being taken more seriously than they used to be taken."

Kirleis joined Dickie, McCamey & Chilcote as an associate in 1988 and eventually became a shareholder. According to the firm’s Web site, Kirleis handles medical-malpractice cases in addition to labor and employment matters.

Kirleis filed a complaint with the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission in March 2005, and the EEOC issued a notice of the right to sue in September. In her suit, Kirleis alleges she was treated differently by the firm after she had children, and that the firm engaged in a pattern and practice of sexual discrimination dating back years.

The suit alleges Kirleis was told "gals" in the firm would perform all the work necessary "to prepare the cases for trial for the male attorneys who would try the cases." She alleges she was "deprived of wages and benefits" and left out of social events and client outings.

"We tend to think that discrimination in this day and age is very subtle," Williams says, "but this isn’t subtle at all. We’ve discovered numbers of cases where women are told they belong at home or in a less fast-track job. Employers no longer say ‘this isn’t a suitable job for a woman,’ but it’s surprisingly common for employers to say ‘this isn’t a suitable job for a mother.’ That’s basically what the plaintiff was allegedly told here."

Veilleux noted the type of law the plaintiff and firm practice. "What struck me is that this is a law firm that does employment law, and that’s the type of law the plaintiff practices. She’s probably counseling businesses, handling sexual harassment complaints, and writing company policies."

That may make the firm’s job of defending itself harder, Williams says. "In at least one of the 32 cases [against legal employers], the judge made it very clear he was holding the law firm to a higher standard because it had an employment section and should have known better," she says. "That’s something that might give law firms cause for concern."

Dickie McCamey issued a statement attributed to James Miller, the firm’s president and CEO: "We’re disappointed that one of our shareholders, not an employee but an owner in the firm who has worked with us for 18 years and who still works at our firm, has chosen to take this course. … We do not and never have discriminated against anyone on the basis of gender or in any other way. Beyond that, and because we’re in litigation, we will not respond here to specific allegations, other than to say that we intend to defend this baseless lawsuit."

A spokesman for the firm refused an interview.

"One unique part of the case is that you have a law firm partner suing her own law firm and remaining onsite during litigation," says Keith Cunningham-Parmeter, an assistant professor at Willamette University College of Law in Salem, Ore., who teaches employment law. "It’s highly unusual to see an employee stay on board while litigation is pending."

Kirleis’ suit describes her as an employee, not a partner, saying she "has no ability to make decisions or influence decisions" at the firm. Edward B. Friedman, who represents Kirleis, says that despite the firm’s emphasis in its statement on his client’s shareholder status, Kirleis was "a shareholder in name."

Kirleis would like to continue to work at Dickie McCamey, says Friedman, who is based in Pittsburgh. He says his client sued only to change "how she’ll be treated and how other women at the firm will be treated."

Williams says that not only are family responsibility cases increasing, but they also have a better chance of winning for plaintiffs than typical sexual discrimination claims. "If you look at the larger universe of cases against all kinds of employers, [these] cases have a higher success rate—about 50 percent—than employment discrimination in general," she says.

Employers defending family responsibility cases are "losing, and losing big," Williams says. The largest recovery Williams has uncovered for such a claim was a jury verdict of $1.5 million awarded to a former deputy prosecutor.

"Unfortunately, law firms are some of the most difficult places to work for people with families," says Cunningham-Parmeter. "We’re always going to have discrimination lawsuits we’re familiar with—harassment based on race, sex, national origin and religion—but the emerging area is in family responsibilities, and it’s all based on sex stereotypes, on what roles workers are presumed to assume at the workplace and at home."

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November 22, 2006

Yet another appointment to shape the country for worse

Marianne Means on Times Daily about how Bush is no comic character laughing away with meaningless syllables. He is in fact, a master crafter of his own agenda which have not died down any bit despite the recent polls. Not even when it comes to control the family planning programs. Well, that’s actually the start.
Here’s more:

President Bush's political fortunes have changed for the worst, but he himself is announcing that he hasn't changed a bit.

He still hates not getting his own way on everything.
…….

And just so he didn't overlook any area important to the religious right, Bush also appointed a new chief of family-planning programs at the Department of Health and Human Services who is opposed to contraceptives for women. Eric Keroack works at a Christian pregnancy counseling organization that calls the distribution of birth control pills "demeaning to women.'' He gets to advise the department on reproductive health and adolescent pregnancy, with $283 million in grants to provide "access to contraceptive supplies and information to all who want and need them.'' The appointment does not require Senate-confirmation.


The entire article can be accessed here.

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November 10, 2006

Why can't working mothers have it all?

Co-anchor of ABC News' "20/20", Elizabeth Vargas stirs up the debate further by doing a follow up on career issue via-a-vis motherhood, on the occasion of Nancy Pelosi becoming the Speaker of the House.

And she discovers that the US has an entirely unenviable record when it comes to maternity-leave program. The record is so bad that out of 168 countries surveyed in the world, only four offer no national maternity-leave program: Lesotho, Swaziland, Papua New Guinea, and the United States of America!

Here is the story:
Image Hosted by ImageShack.us


Can Working Mothers Have It All?

Is Balance Truly Possible When It Comes to Family and Career?

By ELIZABETH VARGAS

Nov. 9, 2006 — My first week back to work after maternity leave turns out to be a historic one for women in this country.

With the Democrats winning the majority in the House of Representatives, Nancy Pelosi stands poised to be the first woman ever to be Speaker of the House and second in line for the presidency.

Standing in front of a malfunctioning microphone at a news conference Wednesday, she joked that she would use her "mother-of-five voice" instead, so reporters could hear her.

Regardless of your politics, this working mother and grandmother is a terrific role model for the 26 million working mothers in this country.

Continue reading "Why can't working mothers have it all?" »

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August 24, 2006

Employees as Unwanted Mothers in Corporate State

As many as 26 states have not yet mandated that employers cover contraception when other prescriptions drugs are covered. Whereas this has led to more unwanted pregnancies, with spiraling rise in pregnancy discrimination cases, women employees could not have a worse catch-22 situation.

This should sound alarming if the trends of unwanted pregnancies and their intersections with socio-economic class are analyzed.

A recent research study conducted by Rachel Benson Gold titled, "Rekindling Efforts to Prevent Unplanned Pregnancy: A Matter of ‘Equity and Common Sense’" and published in the Summer 2006 issue of the Guttmacher Policy Review advocates ways to help low-income American women prevent unwanted pregnancies.

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The decline in the U.S. abortion rate, especially steep during the early 1990s, has slowed to a crawl. Abortion rate per 1,000 women 15–44. Source: Guttmacher Institute, 2006.

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Compared with higher-income women, poor women are four times as likely to have an unplanned pregnancy, three times as likely to have an abortion and five times as likely to have an unplanned birth.
Source: Guttmacher Institute, 2006.

Medicaid coverage for contraception would enable low-income women to prevent a total of nearly 500,000 unwanted pregnancies annually, including 200,000 abortions. By helping them to prevent an estimated 225,000 unwanted births, such an expansion would also save $1.5 billion in annual federal and state expenditures.

In addition, according to the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, contraception is a medical necessity for three decades of a woman's lifespan. When a health care plan excludes contraception coverage, women must bear the costs out of their pocket. And with almost half of all pregnancies being unintended, it is necessary that state administrations prioritize accordingly.

Recently, Michigan Civil Rights Commission has ruled that businesses that offer comprehensive prescription coverage but fail to cover birth control are violating the state's civil rights act and could be forced to change their policies. Those employers are discriminating against women by failing to pay for birth control, while studies show that most women will use it in their lifetimes and it costs employers just about $1.43 a month per employee.

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August 18, 2006

FDA Grants Limited Access to Emergency Contraception

Food and Drug Administration (FDA) will shortly announce their decision regarding Plan B emergency contraception (EC) without a doctor’s prescription.

Considering that years have passed since EC caused concerns to the conservatives, a “decision” must be welcomed at long last.

But what’s ironic is that even after EC is circulated in the market hopefully much better than previously, women who need it the most will not have access to the pills. In its pre-decision announcement, the FDA has restricted availability of EC only to women above 18.

Alan Guttmacher Institute research shows that in 2001 there were 271,000 pregnancies among women aged 15 to 17, and 87 percent of those pregnancies were unintended. Appears like either FDA is innocently ignorant, or deliberately apathetic towards the scenario of concern. Rather than helping the situation of unwanted pregnancies, the decision to restrict access is just a moralist position of negative value.
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There is absolutely no good reason why the US should have waited for this long to legalize and market the EC for women. EC is available in many countries without any hassles. In France, even school nurses dispense pills to women below 18, without any parental consent.

Not only should EC be made accessible alongside condoms in places of distribution and sale, but there is no rationale except a conservative moralist political framework, as to why EC should be forbidden for women under 18.

Of course pitted against emergency contraception is the right-wing anti-abortion lobby. But despite suggestions to the contrary from medical professionals, the fact that FDA has bowed down to political pressure, is quite telling.

Continuing its legacy for delivering hollow promises, just as the Bush administration sure knew how to bargain for estate tax-cuts in name of minimum wage increase, now its FDA comes up to promote religious standards in the garb of legal underage barrier to emergency contraceptives.

How does one respond to the pre-decision announcement?
Thanks, but no thanks.

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August 16, 2006

Pregnant Pause: The new upsurge

Molly McDonough for ABA Journal this month has authored an extensive coverage of “Family Responsibilities Discrimination” cases which have, according to the EEOC reports, increased by 31 percent between 1992 and 2005. Last year alone, the EEOC received 4,449 charges and resolved 4,321, recovering $11.6 million in monetary benefits (not including litigation).
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The article cites three triggers for the suits: allegations of discriminatory practices during pregnancy, maternity/paternity leave, and requests for flexible schedules.

Furthermore, most FRDs are marked by subtle discriminations in form of implied stereotyped persona of working women. Despite FMLA, most employers still enforce discriminatory “pregnancy-blind” policies. Indeed, the Pregnancy Discrimination Act does not “require or allow preferential treatment for pregnant employees”.

However, amendments to the 1991 Civil Rights Act provided for damages in cases of intentional employment discrimination. This is supplemented by the Pregnancy Discrimination Act, passed by Congress in 1978, which states that an employer violates the law if it intentionally discriminates against pregnant employees or maintains a policy that adversely affects pregnant employees. The PDA also covers pregnancy, childbirth or related medical conditions, including abortion.

Related entry here.

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August 15, 2006

Pregnant Pause: What is to be done?



By Jack Tuckner, Esq.


We at Tuckner, Sipser, Weinstock & Sipser, LLP currently represent a client who was terminated in the midst of her "maternity" leave. The offending company employs less than 50 employees, so it (and she) are not "covered" by the Family and Medical Leave Act, hence the quotation marks. She is entitled to take the same disability leave that all employees are allowed, as a post-partum pregnancy leave is indeed a "disability," albeit a transient and "healthy" one, but this company decided to terminate her within two weeks of her leave, indicating that they could not "wait" the full 6 weeks for her to return to work.

As she was a single mother whose 25K per annum position was all that separated her from full-blown impoverishment, her joblessness with a nursing baby not yet 1-month old left her homeless inside of a 12 weeks, coincidentally, the same time period allotted under the FMLA for women who have borne or adopted a child. Her homelessness then rendered her incapable of finding suitable alternative employment, as even if she could seek another position without email, a permanent address or even appropriate bathing and dressing facilities within which to prepare for a job interview, it was beyond challenging to find someone reliable to babysit in the NYC shelter system. Now, approximately 10 months since her firing, she is still homeless and unemployed but beginning to pick up the pieces as she is imminently poised to move into a permanent, city-assisted housing unit.

We are currently prosecuting this matter at the administrative level and will be filing a court complaint shortly. While our college-educated client would be happy to share her experiences with the readers, it is an unfortunate reality that too often, working women bearing children are discriminated against and terminated from gainful employment simply as a result of the choice to bear children, a common occurrence that inordinately befalls inner city single women with little or no safety net.

It would serve us all, and the children we ostensibly care so much about in our-no- child-left-behind culture of wishful thinking, if the spirit and intent of the "human rights" laws were applied in practice to the protection of pregnant women in the workplace. The following pages are informational regarding the scope of coverage for women facing differential treatment on the basis of pregnancy in NY and its environs (please click on the images to access the original size).

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August 14, 2006

Pregnant Pause: University turns apathetic

Detroit Free Press reports that a former business manager of Meadow Brook Hall is suing Oakland University in Auburn Hills on grounds of pregnancy discrimination. Sonia Jacobs, the employee who put in 50-65 hour every week to manage the financial hardships of the university was often praised for her hard work. But when she was pregnant, the university did not blink an eyelid before firing her citing that her medical complications were grounds which caused her to miss six days of work.
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Jacobs said DFP: "Until it happens to you, you have no idea how being fired impacts your self confidence. Having to tell potential employers why I was fired was one of the hardest things I've ever had to do."

OU case is far from an aberration. Indeed, cases of pregnancy discrimination are rising at an alarmingly high rate within the deeply insensitive corporate workplace environments, and the trend continues to find sustenance in the current reactionary socio-political climate.

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August 4, 2006

New study finds Family Responsibilities Discrimination cases increasing

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A new report by the Center for WorkLife Law (at the University of California Hastings College of the Law) has examined the growing trend of lawsuits filed by employees alleging that they were discriminated against because of their family caregiving responsibilities. As a culmination of three years of data collection on maternal wall lawsuits, the “family responsibilities discrimination” (FRD) cases involve workers – both women and men – who fulfill typically mothering or caregiving roles to family members.

The study, using 613 cases of caregiver discrimination, has identified lawsuits involving claims of sex stereotyping, “sex-plus” bias, pregnancy bias, hostile work environment, retaliation, disparate treatment, disparate impact, Family Medical Leave Act interference, discrimination and retaliation, Title IX violations, Employee Retirement Income Security Act violations, ADA associational discrimination, Equal Pay Act violations, breach of contract, tortious interference with contract, wrongful discharge.

This report empirically examines the ideas found in the germinal theoretical article by Joan Williams and Nancy Segal, “Beyond the Maternal Wall: Relief for Family Caregivers Who Are Discriminated Against on the Job,” (Williams & Segal, 2003).

The main findings:
1. Working-class families face inflexible schedules that clash with family needs.

2. Mandatory overtime leaves single mothers, divorced dads, and tag-team families in jeopardy of losing their jobs.

3. Working-class men often are unable or unwilling to bring up their family needs with their employers. Instead, they suffer in silence or to try to “come in under the radar screen” — with unhappy results.

4. Many workers are one sick child away from being fired. Work/family issues are core union issues: empowering workers to organize or exercise their rights requires unions to protect their members from the work/family conflicts they will inevitably face.

5. Employers’ inflexibility may well defeat their own business needs.

6. Flexibility is possible in working-class jobs.


Some startling snippets:
While only 6% of Swedish two job families with children work in excess of 80 hours/week, over two-thirds (64%) of U.S. families do.

Nearly three-quarters of working adults say they have little or no control over their work schedules.

68% of working-class families have two weeks or less of vacation and sick leave combined.

For many workers, the ability to make a simple phone call is a crucial work/family issue.

“For most working class families, child care is often patched together in ways that leave parents anxious and children in jeopardy.”


Underpinnings of the growth
According to the report:

The number of FRD cases has grown from a total of eight in the 1970s, when the first case was heard in US courts (Phillips v Martin Marietta Corp, USSCt, 3 EPD ¶8088) to 358 in the first half of the 2000s. In Phillips, an employer was sued for barring females with school-aged children from applying for jobs that male employees with school-aged children occupied. While the employer claimed that it did not discriminate against females because it allowed women with no children to apply for those positions, the Supreme Court ruled that the employer still discriminated against women who were also mothers. In the last decade (1996-2005), the number of family responsibilities discrimination (FRD) cases filed grew nearly 400% from the previous decade, from 97 cases to 481.

Analyses show that rapid growth in FRD lawsuits began in the 1990s and continues today. Increases are correlated with: (1) media coverage of high-profile lawsuits involving maternal wall discrimination; (2) growth in the number of employed mothers; (3) diffusion of information about FRD cases amongst the legal profession; and (4) changes in law making it more attractive to file discrimination lawsuits. FRD lawsuits have now been heard in 48 of 50 states and the District of Columbia. In addition, the report noted that more FRD cases have been filed by non-professional employees than by professionals, although the greatest number of cases in any single occupational category is in managerial/professional jobs, followed closely by those in technical, sales and administrative positions. By industry, the largest number of cases have been filed by employees working in service industries, followed by public administration.

Plaintiffs are more likely to win FRD lawsuits than other types of employment discrimination cases, the study finds. The mean award is $768,976, with the median just over $100,000 – the largest award to date is $25 million. The lawsuits analyzed in the report make a strong case that companies' effective handling of workers' caregiving responsibilities is an issue of risk management and companies that mismanage their work/life programs tend to fare poorly in court.

The study also revealed that small, local businesses make up the largest component of companies sued for family caregiver discrimination. Larger companies, however, are increasingly facing such lawsuits. Even companies publicly recognized for progressive work-family policies and practices and for treating employees well have faced FRD charges. Among companies sued for discriminating against workers with family responsibilities are nearly 30 that have been designated as "Best Companies to Work For" by Working Mother magazine or have been touted by Fortune's "Most Admired" list as amongst the best in the nation for treating employees well.


Source: Full reports
1. “One Sick Child Away From Being Fired: When “Opting-Out” Is Not an Option

2. Litigating The Maternal Wall: U.S. Lawsuits Charging Discrimination against Workers with Family Responsibilities

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July 25, 2006

The Teen Endangerment Act is passed

"The Teen Endangerment Act" is finally passed. Otherwise known as “The Child Custody Protection Act”, this anti-human rights Act was approved by the Senate tonight with a 65-34 vote. So the law of the land now says it’s a federal crime for anyone other than a parent or legal guardian to take a minor across state lines to have an abortion.

This drastic far-rightwing development took place following the review of pending Feinstein and Boxer Amendments. Anti-choice senators defeated an amendment offered by Sens. Robert Menendez and Frank Lautenberg, both Democrats from New Jersey, that would have funded programs to prevent teen pregnancy and help parents talk to their kids about tough topics like sex.

The letter sent by National Right to Life Committee (NRLC) to members of the US Senate yesterday was meant to apprise the Senators about the Act. In turn, it managed to pass the myths for facts:

“About 80 percent of the public favors requiring notification of or consent by a parent before an abortion can be performed on a minor daughter.”
It never mentioned in the letter the number of interviewees and their demographic specificities.

Prevention or Punishment?
Owing to its ideological genealogy, the Act is punitive in nature, not preventive. Firstly it assumes a normal family for every teen, when it enforces a clause of compulsory parental involvement. Secondly it also assumes that teenagers will obediently disclose their dilemmas to legal or natural parents under all circumstances, or face undesirable consequences.

What the rightwing Senators Frist and Ensign and their collaborators do not seem to get is that teens are vulnerable in cases of pregnancy, not necessarily assertive, also because of the dominant patriarchal structure that has moralistic impositions related to abortion.

The moral police in the garb of Senators also preach refraining from sex until girls are married. Quite a few tragic assumptions ( that all girls are destined to marry) were made by Sen. Tom Coburn when he opined, “Abstinence is the best way to prevent teenage pregnancy."


What’s in store
?
In sync with promoting self-centered individualism, the Act introduced by the ultra-conservatives, seeks to further isolate teens into forming their cocoon self, where all they have to look for, apart from television sets, would be their parents. Most teen pregnancies take place not due to lack of parental interventions, but because of existing parental neglects. To assume that already defenseless children would then go confide in their neglecting parents is grossly unjust.

Secondly and as a graver consequence, the Act will punish those who most genuinely want to help a teenager simply because the person is not “authorized” as a parent. So watch out, this Act indeed says grandmothers will go to jail if they are more trusted by girls. And this Act may also be entirely overlooking the stark reality afflicting thousands of girls who are victims of domestic child sexual abuse, often in the hands of their parents.

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June 22, 2006

Does becoming a mom mean losing your job?

Absolutely not. Well, almost.

The fine line is treaded by more than 70 million U.S. women who work, and almost three-quarters of them who have children.

Resultantly, according to Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, the claims of pregnancy discrimination are increasing, up 31 percent from 1992 to 2005. In Fiscal Year 2005 itself, EEOC received 4,449 charges of pregnancy-based discrimination, resolving 4,321 pregnancy discrimination charges and recovering $11.6 million in monetary benefits for charging parties and other aggrieved individuals (not including monetary benefits obtained through litigation).

Few relevant issues that surface in matters of pregnancy discrimination includes the fact that federal law does not require even minimal accommodation for pregnancy-related disability, as long as the employer treats pregnant employees at least as well as other temporarily disabled employees. But pregnancy not being inherently disabling, many women can work just fine (in comfortable settings such as being an academician), and at the same time, for those women who are in specific jobs requiring physical movements, even normal pregnancy poses limitations.

The pressing needs of the hour then demand that a stable, uniform legislation be in place that makes it a point for the employers to provide accommodation irrespective of the nature of work. A social adaptation to understanding the needs of pregnant women workers, their indispensability, an enforced rule to require employers to keep them in job despite pregnancy, and welcome them back to the job soon after they rejoin after the duly paid leave, is the starting point.

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NYPD discriminated against pregnant officers

Suffolk County, New York Police Department has been recently found guilty of discriminating against pregnant women on the force. This is a resounding victory for the potential victims of pregnancy discrimination in male-dominated sectors.

The pregnant officers were denied desk duty positions just because they were pregnant and all of six plaintiffs were forcibly absent from work for at least two months before giving birth. They were also forced to go on unpaid leaves after their allowance of sick days were exhausted.

The insensitivity of NYPD comes to light in a case where it involves even its own staff members. The most common sense understanding of causes and nature of pregnancy has been lost on the department, notwithstanding the legal factors. Under the Pregnancy Discrimination Act, passed by Congress in 1978, an employer violates the law if it intentionally discriminates against pregnant employees or maintains a policy that adversely affects pregnant employees. The PDA covers pregnancy, childbirth or related medical conditions, including abortion.

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June 21, 2006

Pregnant Pauses: Why women need to rethink?

The pregnant pauses by women professionals operate on entirely different dynamics. The women say, these are pauses entirely decided upon by them. Not with any work pressure, and certainly not because of any management misconduct.

This is where the non-essentialist nature of women resurfaces for careful perusal. In the lower economic class bracket, women struggle hard to keep their current jobs, owing to the fact that the manual jobs are the only source of economic sustenance. These are the jobs they rely on to pay the bills, and take care of children. This also leads them to feel the need of confronting the management in case of unjust treatment during pregnancy. The financial factor apart, the women from lower economic strata also do not feel inhibited in claiming discrimination, because often times that’s the last logical resort to attain justice.

In contrast, career professional women in high-profile jobs (television anchors) often tend to underestimate the possible consequences of job loss, one, because they are more certain to get a job back after the ‘phase’ is over, and two, their own reputation is publicly connected with that of their organization (like the masthead rules supreme).

Hence one should not be surprised at statements coming from high profile women professionals today, who even while stepping down from their positions do not ascribe the causes to any sexist organizational structure. They rather prefer to take the onus of decision entirely upon themselves. At times to the extent that they even become defensive.

Just look at ABC “World News Tonight” anchor Elizabeth Vargas’ statement to Philadelphia Inquirer last week, “I'm not a pregnant working mother wronged. I played a crucial and active role in this decision.”

Her need to assert that she had played an active role in this decision is part of a dynamic that has layers within. Before being replaced by 63-year-old Charles Gibson, from a coveted anchor chair position Vargas announced on the television “For now … I need to be a good mother.”

Vargas is forced to play into the stereotypes that foster male domination in an almost invisible manner. By refusing to identify with “wronged” working mother, she affirms the male perspective, that not all pregnant working mothers are wronged if they relinquish the jobs. Or the statement that to be a “good mother” she needed to leave the job, is another vindication of male norms.

In the entire process of assertive positions of privilege, fundamental system of gender oppression remains entirely unquestioned. Why does a woman have to make a decision that will tantamount to her “leaving” the job? Even if the decision is made “actively”, how informed is the decision? Why would not the organization insist that she does not leave the job especially considering that the audience was looking forward to receiving Vargas, a pregnant Vargas with all the warmth? Finally, why would the onus of proving a good parent necessarily lie on a woman? And why becoming a good mother should entail closed door disconnect from one’s profession one so carefully shapes up throughout?

Unlike railroad miners or fast food counter cashier women, high-profile women may not be in desperation of a source of financial sustenance. But exactly like them, they are exploited systematically in the male myth world of a value system of adjudging a pregnant woman as weak, a working woman as bad mother and an assertive working woman as limited conditional resource.

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Its official! Discrimination in Catholic Schools

Editor of National Review Online, Kathryn Jean Lopez writes today about a Wisconsin-based Catholic school where a teacher was fired for artificially conceiving her twins. Furthering the curiosity on how a pro-life institute might have issues with pregnancy, she explains it was because the teacher had used in vitro fertilization to conceive. IVF usually unintentionally involves the destruction of embryos, and hence drawing ire from Catholic Church.

In a fervently religious environment that the country is under siege during present administration, the role of teachers to question assumptions have become secondary to their roles as upholder of Church traditions, however irrational they may be.

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